Here is the executive summary from the Senate report itself and a link to the whole report
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
A. The Senate Judiciary Committee’s Investigation
On January 22, 2021, the New York Times reported that Jeffrey Bossert Clark, the former
Acting Assistant Attorney General for the Department of Justice’s (DOJ) Civil Division, sought
to involve DOJ in efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election results and plotted with thenPresident Trump to oust Acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen, who reportedly refused
Trump’s demands.1 On January 23, 2021, the Wall Street Journal reported that Trump had urged
DOJ to file a lawsuit in the Supreme Court seeking to invalidate President Biden’s victory.2
These reports followed Trump’s months-long effort to undermine the results of the election,
which culminated in the violent insurrection at the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021.
The Senate Committee on the Judiciary immediately launched an investigation into
Trump’s reported efforts to enlist DOJ in his election subversion scheme. On January 23, 2021,
the Committee asked DOJ to produce documents related to these efforts. DOJ cooperated with
the Committee’s request, producing several hundred pages of calendars, emails, and other
documents in the ensuing months.
On May 20, 2021, following DOJ’s production of emails from former White House Chief
of Staff Mark Meadows to Rosen asking DOJ to investigate several debunked election fraud
claims, the Committee asked the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) for
additional Trump White House records related to Trump’s attempts to secure DOJ’s help in
overturning the election results. The Committee’s request sought White House records between
November 3, 2020 and the end of Trump’s presidency related to meetings and communications
between and among White House and DOJ officials. NARA has not responded to date, and has
represented to the Committee that the delay in transitioning electronic Trump records from the
White House to NARA may prevent the Committee from obtaining a response for several more
months.
In addition to obtaining and reviewing documents, the Committee interviewed key former
DOJ personnel, including Rosen, former Principal Associate Deputy Attorney General Richard
Donoghue, and former U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Georgia Byung Jin (“BJay”)
Pak. DOJ and the White House authorized these witnesses to testify about their internal
communications without restriction, citing the Committee’s “compelling legislative interests …
in understanding these extraordinary events: namely, the question whether former President
Trump sought to cause the Department to use its law enforcement and litigation authorities to
1 Katie Benner, Trump and Justice Dept. Lawyer Said to Have Plotted to Oust Acting Attorney General, N.Y. Times
(Jan. 22, 2021).
2
Jess Bravin & Sadie Gurman, Trump Pressed Justice Department to Go Directly to Supreme Court to Overturn
Election Results, Wall St. J. (Jan. 23, 2021).
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advance his personal political interests with respect to the results of the 2020 presidential
election.”3
The Committee also requested to interview Clark, whom DOJ authorized to testify on the
same terms as the other former DOJ officials. DOJ authorized Clark’s appearance on July 26,
2021. More than two months after DOJ authorized him to testify without restriction, Clark still
has not agreed to the Committee’s request that he sit for a voluntary interview.
B. Key Findings
The Committee continues to investigate Trump’s efforts to involve DOJ in his election
subversion scheme, including by pursuing Trump White House records that NARA has thus far
been unable to produce and additional witness interviews as appropriate. Given the gravity of the
misconduct the Committee has uncovered to date, however—and in the interest of making a
public record of Trump’s efforts to compromise DOJ’s independence—the Committee is
releasing this interim staff report. The report makes six primary findings:
FINDING 1: President Trump repeatedly asked DOJ leadership to endorse his false
claims that the election was stolen and to assist his efforts to overturn the election results.
Beginning on the day former Attorney General William Barr announced his resignation and
continuing almost until the January 6 insurrection, Trump directly and repeatedly asked DOJ’s
acting leadership to initiate investigations, file lawsuits on his behalf, and publicly declare the
2020 election “corrupt.” Documents and testimony confirm that Rosen, and in some cases other
senior DOJ leaders, participated in several calls and meetings where Trump directly raised
discredited claims of election fraud and asked why DOJ was not doing more to address them.
These calls and meetings included:
 December 15, 2020 – Oval Office meeting including Rosen and Donoghue
 December 23, 2020 – Trump-Rosen Call
 December 24, 2020 – Trump-Rosen Call
 December 27, 2020 – Trump-Rosen-Donoghue Call
 December 28, 2020 – Trump-Donoghue Call
 December 30, 2020 – Trump-Rosen Call
 December 31, 2020 – Oval Office meeting including Rosen and Donoghue
 January 3, 2021 – Oval Office meeting including Rosen and Donoghue
 January 3, 2021 – Trump-Donoghue Call
In attempting to enlist DOJ for personal, political purposes in an effort to maintain his
hold on the White House, Trump grossly abused the power of the presidency. He also arguably
3 Letter from Bradley Weinsheimer, Assoc. Dep. Att’y Gen., to Jeffrey Clark (July 26, 2021) (on file with the
Committee); Letter from Bradley Weinsheimer, Assoc. Dep. Att’y Gen., to Richard Donoghue (July 26, 2021) (on
file with the Committee); Letter from Bradley Weinsheimer, Assoc. Dep. Att’y Gen., to Byung J. Pak (July 26,
2021) (on file with the Committee); Letter from Bradley Weinsheimer, Assoc. Dep. Att’y Gen., to Jeffrey Rosen
(July 26, 2021) (on file with the Committee).
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violated the criminal provisions of the Hatch Act, which prevent any person—including the
President—from commanding federal government employees to engage in political activity.4
FINDING 2: White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows asked Acting Attorney
General Rosen to initiate election fraud investigations on multiple occasions, violating
longstanding restrictions on White House-DOJ communications about specific lawenforcement matters. Meadows asked Rosen to have DOJ investigate at least four categories of
false election fraud claims that Trump and his allies were pushing. Between December 29 and
January 1, Meadows asked Rosen to have DOJ:
 Investigate various discredited claims of election fraud in Georgia that the Trump
campaign was simultaneously advancing in a lawsuit that the Georgia Supreme Court
had refused to hear on an expedited basis;
 Investigate false claims of “signature match anomalies” in Fulton County, Georgia,
even though Republican state elections officials had made clear “there has been no
evidence presented of any issues with the signature matching process.”5
 Investigate a theory known as “Italygate,” which was promoted by an ally of the
President’s personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani, and which held that the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) and an Italian IT contractor used military satellites to
manipulate voting machines and change Trump votes to Biden votes. Meadows also
asked DOJ to meet with Giuliani on Italygate and other election fraud claims.
 Investigate a series of claims of election fraud in New Mexico that had been widely
refuted and in some cases rejected by the courts, including a claim that Dominion
Voting Systems machines caused late-night “vote dumps” for Democratic candidates.
These requests violated longstanding policies limiting communications between White
House and DOJ officials on specific law enforcement matters.6 The White House and DOJ
established these policies following Watergate to protect DOJ’s investigations and prosecutions
from partisan political interference and to prevent White House officials from corrupting DOJ
for their own personal gain.
FINDING 3: After personally meeting with Trump, Jeffrey Bossert Clark pushed
Rosen and Donoghue to assist Trump’s election subversion scheme—and told Rosen he
would decline Trump’s potential offer to install him as Acting Attorney General if Rosen
agreed to aid that scheme. Clark pushed Rosen and Donoghue to publicly announce that DOJ
was investigating election fraud and tell key swing state legislatures they should appoint
4 18 U.S.C. § 610.
5 GA Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger (@GaSecofState), Twitter (Dec. 8, 2020, 7:55 a.m.),
https://twitter.com/GaSecofState/status/1336293440338989060.6 Memorandum from White House Counsel Donald F. McGahn II to All White House Staff, at 1 (Jan. 27, 2017); see
also Memorandum from Attorney General Eric Holder for Heads of Department Components, All United States
Attorneys, at 1 (May 11, 2009).
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alternate slates of electors following certification of the popular vote. He did so following
personal communications with Trump, including at least one meeting that Clark attended in the
Oval Office without the knowledge of DOJ leadership.
On December 28, 2020, Clark emailed Rosen and Donoghue a draft letter addressed to
the Georgia Governor, General Assembly Speaker, and Senate President Pro Tempore. The letter
was titled “Georgia Proof of Concept” and Clark suggested replicating it in “each relevant state.”
The letter would have informed state officials that DOJ had “taken notice” of election
irregularities in their state and recommended calling a special legislative session to evaluate
these irregularities, determine who “won the most legal votes,” and consider appointing a new
slate of Electors. Clark’s proposal to wield DOJ’s power to override the already-certified popular
vote reflected a stunning distortion of DOJ’s authority: DOJ protects ballot access and ballot
integrity, but has no role in determining which candidate won a particular election.
Documents and testimony confirm that Donoghue and Rosen rejected Clark’s
recommendation but that Clark—potentially with the assistance of lower-level allies within
DOJ—continued to press his “Proof of Concept” for the next several days. Clark eventually
informed Rosen and Donoghue that Trump had offered to install him in Rosen’s place, and told
Rosen he would turn down Trump’s offer if Rosen would agree to sign the “Proof of Concept”
letter. Clark’s efforts culminated in an Oval Office meeting where Rosen, Donoghue, and Steven
Engel, the Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Legal Counsel, informed Trump that
DOJ’s senior leaders would resign if Trump carried out his plans.
FINDING 4: Trump allies with links to the “Stop the Steal” movement and the
January 6 insurrection participated in the pressure campaign against DOJ. In addition to
Trump White House officials, including the President himself, outside Trump allies with ties to
the “Stop the Steal” movement and the January 6 insurrection also pressured DOJ to help
overturn the election results. They included:
 U.S. Representative Scott Perry of Pennsylvania’s 10th Congressional District, who
led the objection to counting Pennsylvania’s electoral votes on the House floor in the
hours immediately following the January 6 insurrection. Perry has acknowledged
introducing Clark to Trump, and documents and testimony confirm that he directly
communicated with Donoghue about his false Pennsylvania election fraud claims.
 Doug Mastriano, a Republican State Senator from Pennsylvania who participated in
Rudy Giuliani’s so-called election fraud “hearings,” spent thousands of dollars from
his campaign account to bus people to the January 6 “Save America Rally,” and was
present on the Capitol grounds as the insurrection unfolded. Documents show that,
like Perry, Mastriano directly communicated with Donoghue about his false election
fraud claims.
 Cleta Mitchell, a Trump campaign legal adviser, early proponent of Trump’s false
stolen election claims, and participant the January 2, 2021 call where Trump
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pressured Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to “find 11,780 votes.”
Mitchell emailed Meadows a copy of Trump’s lawsuit against Raffensperger and
offered to send DOJ 1,800 pages of supporting exhibits; Meadows sent the materials
to Rosen, asking DOJ to investigate.
FINDING 5: Trump forced the resignation of U.S. Attorney Byung Jin (“BJay”)
Pak, whom he believed was not doing enough to address false claims of election fraud in
Georgia. Trump then went outside the line of succession when naming an Acting U.S.
Attorney, bypassing First Assistant U.S. Attorney Kurt Erskine and instead appointing
Bobby Christine because he believed Christine would “do something” about his election
fraud claims. U.S. Attorney Pak investigated and did not substantiate various claims of election
fraud advanced by Trump and his allies, including false claims that a videotape showed suitcases
of illegal ballots being tabulated at Atlanta’s State Farm Arena. Trump accused Pak publicly and
privately of being a “Never Trumper” and told Rosen and Donoghue on January 3 that he wanted
to fire him. Trump relented when Donoghue argued that Pak already planned to resign, agreeing
not to fire Pak so long as he resigned the following day. Although First Assistant U.S. Attorney
(FAUSA) Erskine was next in the line of succession and Christine was already serving as U.S.
Attorney for the Southern District of Georgia, Trump told Donoghue he liked Christine and
thought he would “do something” about his election fraud claims.
FINDING 6: By pursuing false claims of election fraud before votes were certified,
DOJ deviated from longstanding practice meant to avoid inserting DOJ itself as an issue in
the election. Prior to the 2020 general election, DOJ’s longstanding policy and practice was to
avoid taking overt steps in election fraud investigations until after votes were certified, in order
to avoid inserting DOJ itself as an issue in the election. Then-Attorney General Barr weakened
this decades-long policy shortly before and after the 2020 election, including in a November 9,
2020 memo that directed prosecutors not to wait until after certification to investigate allegations
of voting irregularities that “could potentially impact the outcome of a federal election in an
individual State.” Consistent with this directive and following additional personal involvement
by Barr, DOJ took overt steps to investigate false claims of election fraud before certification in
one instance detailed to the Committee—and likely others.
***
The Committee’s investigation to date underscores how Trump’s efforts to use DOJ as a
means to overturn the election results was part of his interrelated efforts to retain the presidency
by any means necessary. As has been well-documented by other sources, Trump’s efforts to lay
the foundation of the “Big Lie” preceded the general election by several months; Attorney
General Barr inserted DOJ into that initial effort through various public remarks and actions
prior to November 3, 2020 that cast doubt on voting by mail procedures implemented to facilitate
exercise of the franchise during the worst public health crisis in a century. Concurrent with
Trump’s post-election attempts to weaponize DOJ, Trump also reportedly engaged in a separate
and equally aggressive pressure campaign on Vice President Mike Pence to set aside the
electoral votes of contested states. This “back-up plan,” as it were, culminated on January 4—
one day after Clark’s final attempt to wrest control of DOJ from Rosen, and again in the Oval
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Office—when Trump and outside attorney John Eastman attempted to convince Pence that he
could circumvent the certification through a procedural loophole in the Electoral Count Act.
7 All
of these efforts, in turn, created the disinformation ecosystem necessary for Trump to incite
almost 1,000 Americans to breach the Capitol in a violent
attempt to subvert democracy by
stopping the certification of a free and fair election.
https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Interim%20Staff%20Report%20FINAL.pdf