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Re: Paul Pelosi, Nancy Pelosi’s husband, attacked at couple’s home FATE 01/31/23 05:49 AM
j/c...

The video is repulsive. Much worse than that (believe it or not) is the handling by the 911 dispatch. I don't know how linguistically inventive one should have to be to express that there's something not right. Let alone the husband of the speaker of the house. Geez... aren't these people trained in ways to affirm danger without asking the caller to spell it out word for word? There's someone in the house... "he says he knows me, I don't know who he is" should be more than enough.
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Re: Season Review lampdogg 01/31/23 03:01 AM
2022 in review: Not much went right in 2022
Scott Petrak
Jan. 30, 2023

Not much went according to plan for the Browns this season.

Quarterback Deshaun Watson was suspended for the first 11 games after being acquired in a blockbuster and controversial trade. Jacoby Brissett replaced him and exceeded expectations, yet the Browns were 4-7 when Watson returned to the lineup. The rust was obvious after he went 700 days between starts, and his six games were filled with ups and downs as the Browns went 3-3.

Wyatt Teller added to Pro Bowl roster


Despite the difficulties, the Browns had a chance to reach the playoffs. They wasted the opportunities, had too many frustrating losses, finished 7-10 and missed the postseason for the second straight year.

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The pressure is on general manager Andrew Berry, coach Kevin Stefanski and Watson to make the necessary changes and adjustments during the offseason. If the Browns miss the playoffs again next season, significant changes could be coming.

Before we turn our full attention to 2023, it’s time to take a look back at the 2022 season — best and worst players, best and worst moments, key numbers and an offseason to-do list.

Zone Coverage podcast

OFFSEASON TO-DO LIST

Front and center

New defensive coordinator Jim Schwartz is known for getting great production from the defensive line. He needs a lot more talent if the Browns are going to perform to his standard.

After superstar end Myles Garrett, they have nothing but question marks. General manager Andrew Berry’s top priority in the next three months will be significantly upgrading the front four. The Browns need two tackles, including a game-changer, and an end to replace Jadeveon Clowney opposite Garrett.


The need for speed

The offense has plenty of pieces in place, including quarterback Deshaun Watson, but the work isn’t done in the quest to reach an elite level. The unit wasn’t as explosive as desired and needs a wideout who can run past and stress the defense with his speed. Anthony Schwartz hasn’t been able to fill that role, so Berry is charged with finding someone in the draft, free agency or through a trade. Surrounding Watson with as much talent as possible is the right strategy and should include an upgrade from Harrison Bryant as the No. 2 tight end.

Time to move on?

Safety John Johnson III hasn’t lived up to the three-year, $33.75 million contract signed in 2021, and the Browns could save $9.75 million under the salary cap by cutting him with a post-June 1 designation. Schwartz likes to use a deep safety, so the Browns must decide whether Johnson can excel in that role. If they think he can, a contract restructuring could be in order.


If the Browns cut him, Johnson’s replacement likely isn’t on the roster.

Bring ’em back

Center Ethan Pocic was great after stepping into the starting lineup when Nick Harris suffered a season-ending injury in the preseason. Pocic played on a one-year, $1.187 million deal after signing as a free agent and earned a big raise. The Browns want to keep him and would be best served by getting a deal done before Pocic can hit the open market in March.

Linebackers Anthony Walker Jr. and Sione Takitaki were missed greatly when they went down with injuries and are worth bringing back despite their free agent status.


Tweaking the staff

Firing Joe Woods and replacing him with Schwartz was the major move on the coaching staff and minor ones are expected to follow. Mike Priefer is expected to return as special teams coordinator after the kicking game made big improvements in the second half of the season, but shuffling on the defensive staff will happen after the switch to Schwartz.

BY THE NUMBERS

-20: Scoring differential, 381-361
1: Winning streak — two games
1: NFL player with at least 10 sacks in each of the last five years — Myles Garrett
2: Losing streaks — of four and two games
2: Touchdowns by cornerback Denzel Ward on fumble recoveries
3: Non-offensive TDs in the win over Houston, a first in franchise history
3: Players in the league, including safety Grant Delpit, with 100 tackles and four interceptions
3-3: Record with Deshaun Watson at quarterback
4-4: Record at FirstEnergy Stadium
9: Fumbles lost by the Browns and their opponents. The Browns fumbled 15 times, while opponents fumbled 26 times
10: Missed kicks by rookie Cade York, who went 24-for-32 on field goals and 35-for-37 on extra points
16: Sacks for Garrett, tying the franchise record he set in 2021
18: Sacks by the rest of the team, led by Taven Bryan with three
42: Touchdowns for the Browns and their opponents
42: Fourth-down attempts, most in the league — the 54.8 percent conversion rate ranked eighth
48.5: Yards of Corey Bojorquez’s punting average, a franchise record
74.5: Career sacks for Garrett, most in franchise history
79.1: Passer rating for Watson, a career low
88.9: Passer rating for Jacoby Brissett, a career high
532: Team rushing attempts, fifth-most in the league
1,525: Rushing yards for Nick Chubb, a career high and third in the league
2,490: Team rushing yards, the most for the franchise since 1963
TOP PLAYERS


Joel Bitonio

The left guard made the All-Pro first team for the second straight year and didn’t miss a snap for the sixth straight regular season. He’s dominant as a run blocker and pass protector.

Nick Chubb

Set a career high with 1,525 rushing yards, making his fourth straight Pro Bowl and the All-Pro second team. Mr. Reliable had 12 rushing touchdowns but none in the six games quarterback Deshaun Watson started.

Myles Garrett

The four-time Pro Bowl defensive end had issues off the field — a one-car accident that cost him a game and getting benched for the first three plays vs. the Saints for violating team rules — but was as good as ever on it. He tied his franchise record with 16 sacks and passed Clay Matthews Jr. as the franchise’s career leader. He managed the production despite injuries and nearly constant double teams.

Amari Cooper

The elite route-runner fought through a core muscle injury in the second half of the season, finishing with 78 catches for 1,160 yards, a 14.9 average and nine touchdowns. The receiver made a huge impact in his first season after being acquired in a trade with the Cowboys.

Ethan Pocic

The center had perhaps the most surprising performance. He took over as the starter after Nick Harris suffered a season-ending knee injury in the preseason opener and was outstanding, joining Bitonio and right guard Wyatt Teller to form one of the best interior threesomes in the league.

Honorable mention: quarterback Jacoby Brissett, receiver Donovan Peoples-Jones, tight end David Njoku.

BOTTOM PLAYERS

Anthony Schwartz

Injuries, drops and mental health issues led to another lost season for the speedy receiver. He was a third-round pick in 2021 but has only 14 catches in two seasons, including four this year in 11 games. The organization hasn’t given up on him but can’t count on him to be part of the rotation next year.

Tommy Togiai

Defensive tackle was a weak spot all year, yet Togiai failed to make an impact. In fact, the fourth-round pick in 2021 was a healthy scratch multiple times and got passed on the depth chart by midseason pickup Ben Stille. In 12 games Togiai had 13 tackles, a half-sack, a fumble recovery and a pass defensed.

Jadeveon Clowney

The big-name defensive end wouldn’t be on this list if performance were the only criterion. But he refused to play on first and second down in a three-point midseason loss to the Ravens and was benched for the first possession the next game. If that weren’t enough, he publicly ripped the coaching staff for the use of him and Myles Garrett and was sent home for the final three days of the season.

Greedy Williams

The second-round pick in 2019 was a non-factor. Rookie Martin Emerson Jr. passed Williams on the cornerback depth chart, and Williams will be looking for a fresh start as a free agent in March. He made one start in 11 games, totaling 11 tackles.

Jacob Phillips

He couldn’t beat out Anthony Walker Jr. for the starting middle linebacker job in the preseason, then struggled after Walker’s quadriceps tendon tore. To make matters worse, Phillips sustained a season-ending torn pectoral, continuing the injury problems that have marked his three-year career.

Honorable mention: tight end Harrison Bryant, safety John Johnson III, defensive end Chase Winovich.

BEST MOMENTS

What a way to start

The Browns won the opener for only the second time since coming back in 1999. They beat Baker Mayfield and the Panthers when rookie Cade York drilled a 58-yard field goal in the final seconds in Charlotte, North Carolina.

Sparkling under the lights

The most satisfying victories came in prime time, or close to it.

The Browns swept their AFC North foes at FirstEnergy Stadium, starting with a 29-17 Thursday night victory over the Steelers in Week 3. The best performance of the year came five weeks later in a 32-13 Monday night victory over the Bengals on Halloween. The final piece of the triumvirate came late in the afternoon of Dec. 17 when the Browns beat the Ravens 13-3.

Getting the GOAT

Nobody knows if Tom Brady will play another game on the lakefront. If he doesn’t, the Browns bested him and the Buccaneers in his finale with a 23-17 overtime decision. The Browns rallied in quarterback Jacoby Brissett’s final start before handing the reins to Deshaun Watson.

WORST MOMENTS

Stumbling, bumbling, crumbling

The Browns should’ve started 2-0 for the first time since returning in 1999. But they found a way to blow a certain win in Week 2, and the 31-30 loss was felt the rest of the season.

A million things went wrong in the final two minutes. Nick Chubb scored when he shouldn’t have, Cade York missed an extra point, Amari Cooper didn’t recover an onside kick, the defense gave up two touchdowns and Jacoby Brissett threw an interception. The collapse was epic.

Bah humbug

The playoffs were a long shot but not out of the question. Until the New Orleans Saints visited FirstEnergy Stadium on a frightful Christmas Eve afternoon.

The Saints hadn’t won a game outdoors all year but managed to handle the elements better than the home team during the coldest regular-season game in Browns history. The Saints found success with direct-snap runs, while the Browns dropped three touchdown passes in the 17-10 loss.

Least vs. the East

The Browns lost plenty of close games that stung. They also had a couple of clunkers — 38-15 at home vs. the Patriots and 39-17 at Miami — bad enough to question just about everything.

The Browns were outcoached and outclassed in those matchups. The blowouts were made worse because the Patriots played a rookie quarterback and the Dolphins game followed the bye.
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Pure Football Forum Jump to new posts
Re: Browns Salary Cap FATE 01/31/23 02:28 AM
Originally Posted by steve0255
Originally Posted by Versatile Dog
Salary cap increasing by almost $17 million.



Actually, this number is $200,000 less than what Over The Cap had predicted and has been using for their cap figues. That means the Browns are actually $200,000 more over the cap for 2023 currently with a cap space of ($14,845,606) in the hole.

I'm sure Berry had been basing all his upcoming moves on overthecap.com and is now frantically trying to cover the 0.088% shortfall.
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Pure Football Forum Jump to new posts
Re: Number One Need FATE 01/31/23 02:16 AM
Originally Posted by bonefish
Sometimes I wonder what others think goes on inside a NFL football team.

What goes into preparing a game plan. What type of time is spent handling all the responsibilities of head coaching.


Not to mention the value of working with someone who has so much experience (basically his whole career) translating to the QB. He may have very well been the catalyst to Brissett looking so comfortable as quickly as he did.
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Everything Else... Jump to new posts
Re: Rest in Peace Shirley (Cindy Williams) lampdogg 01/31/23 02:01 AM
I remember liking that show when I was a prs-teen but grew out of it. It’s on one of the classics TV channels we get , and I’ve watched it a couple times and it was pretty corny, in hindsight. I believe Lenny is the only one still alive from that series.

RIP Cindy, I always like petite brunettes (even married one wink ).
4 47 Read More
Pure Football Forum Jump to new posts
Re: The Front Four lampdogg 01/31/23 01:56 AM
Originally Posted by FATE
Thanks for the info. I don't have the time to dig in right now, but at least I know where to find the rundown. thumbsup

I was getting ready to post the exact same thing until I saw your post. I’d like to get at least one very good DT in free agency.
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Palus Politicus Jump to new posts
Re: Covid ~ Part 11 superbowldogg 01/31/23 12:43 AM
Johnson & Johnson tried to declare Bankruptcy so they could get out of the talc cancer lawsuit.

these drug companies will do anything to make money because they believe they can get out of it later.
273 3,267 Read More
Palus Politicus Jump to new posts
Re: Biden Admin part 2 Squires 01/31/23 12:39 AM
Crickets from the truth brigade...interesting.
1 63 Read More
Pure Football Forum Jump to new posts
Re: Player News-continued Versatile Dog 01/30/23 10:45 PM
231 6,439 Read More
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Re: Head Coach Firings FrankZ 01/30/23 10:34 PM
Originally Posted by MemphisBrownie


Quickest route to getting a Superbowl ring, maybe?

It seems like he won't be there before that. I do wonder how ring allocation works, when you have to be on staff and such.

He is the twin brother of Andrew.
178 3,815 Read More
Pure Football Forum Jump to new posts
Re: Key to "winning"...talent evaluation mac 01/30/23 10:06 PM
Originally Posted by Day of the Dawg
Talent evaluation and development.

D of D...I certainly agree with eval and "development"...

Here is a great example of a team that is among the best at "evaluation and development of draft talent"

Matt McMullen
@KCChiefs_Matt

Chiefs' rookies in the AFC title game:

🏈 Isiah Pacheco: 85 yards from scrimmage

🏈 Jaylen Watson: 2 PBUs, an INT

🏈 Joshua Williams: INT

🏈 Trent McDuffie: 2 PBUs

🏈 George Karlaftis: 1 sack

🏈 Bryan Cook: a PBU that created an INT

🏈 Skyy Moore: a 29-yard punt return
10:23 AM · Jan 30, 2023
·
272.5K
Views

Why can't the Browns do what the Chiefs did...develop talent that is capable of producing in their first NFL season..?

23 280 Read More
Palus Politicus Jump to new posts
Re: New York Mayor Says 'No Room' in His City for Migrants PerfectSpiral 01/30/23 09:25 PM
How ridiculous. willynilly
27 398 Read More
Pure Football Forum Jump to new posts
Re: The Watson Trade continued Versatile Dog 01/30/23 08:25 PM
Quote
Now on the subject of other teams were willing to make a trade for DW. I don't care what other teams do it is what the Browns do/did. Fact is nobody else made that trade - We did.

Exactly! That is why I gave our organization so much credit for making the trade. Despite other teams wanting Watson, we were the ones who won the Watson Sweepstakes and came away w/a great qb when there seemingly was no hope. Great job by the Browns leadership in getting us a great player in the most important position in sports.
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Everything Else... Jump to new posts
Re: Sequels PrplPplEater 01/30/23 06:21 PM
well, there is that wink

Halle, and her girls as she refers to them, are never a bad addition visually... it just didn't fit the movie, I felt.
50 623 Read More
Tailgate Forum Jump to new posts
Re: The Guardians 2.0 bonefish 01/30/23 06:11 PM
Huge score. Very cool.

When Maddux signed with the Braves as a free agent. I knew of him. Knew he was good. But never really watched him other than a game here and there.
You know a couple innings.

Because I am a Braves fan it was then that I found out. After a few starts I was hooked. I would make it a point to never miss a start. He was such a cool dude. I have been a baseball fan since I was a boy. Mickey and Hank were heros to me but I really didn't get to see them play much.

Maddux, I studied him. He played when I was coaching. Every start was like a clinic in pitching. I have seen many great pitchers. Maddux, Glavine and Smoltz all HOFer's. Seen Clemens, Ryan, Randy, Pedro.

But Maddux defined what pitching really is. His memory uncanny. His knowledge of pitching unmatched. His attention to the smallest detail. He could breakdown a hitter like nobody else.

My favorite baseball player.
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Everything Else... Jump to new posts
Re: Binge This: PrplPplEater 01/30/23 04:13 PM
Brockmire is hilariously disturbed, lol
342 21,271 Read More
Everything Else... Jump to new posts
Re: Remember the Movie, "The Core"? PrplPplEater 01/30/23 04:00 PM
Originally Posted by OldColdDawg
The way I understand it is the earth reverses poles, and those poles shift not only both north and south but also shift the poles' location. I've always imagined this happening in a short time would be catastrophic and end civilization as we know it.

That's the general hypothesis... ending all life on earth kinda thing. Something about all cellular structures and processes failing in a reversal.... but, I have to wonder then why that doesn't happen in space?
What I CAN see happening is a massive disruption in the food chain as everything from birds to bees to pretty much every migratory animal suddenly can't figure out where to go, leading to mass-extinction events.
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Pure Football Forum Jump to new posts
Re: Browns-news-notes-cont2 MemphisBrownie 01/30/23 03:47 PM
j/c:

350 11,613 Read More
Palus Politicus Jump to new posts
Re: Isreal Attacks Iran PerfectSpiral 01/30/23 03:34 PM
World leaders are too gutless of the optics of a declared war on another country. Better to just call it a special thing.
8 176 Read More
Tailgate Forum Jump to new posts
Re: Legendary Basketball Analyst Billt Packer Passes FORTBROWNFAN 01/30/23 12:54 AM
RIP Mr Packer. He and Al McGuire are throwbacks to when I watched a great deal of college ball. He called a lot of NCAA games.
3 73 Read More
Tailgate Forum Jump to new posts
Re: Ohio State Basketball 2022/23 PastorMarc 01/29/23 06:42 PM
Right now its hard to watch the Buckeyes but I am a Buckeye fan so I watch and hope they turn it around soon ...
18 393 Read More
Palus Politicus Jump to new posts
Re: Christian Nationalism northlima dawg 01/29/23 05:27 PM
https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2023/01/27/apocalypse-coming-christian-nationalism-00079317


‘There Is a Real Sense That the Apocalypse Is Coming’
A former evangelical tracks the rise of white Christian nationalism — and looks ahead to where the movement goes next.

Supporters of U.S. President Donald Trump join in prayer outside the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021.
Supporters of U.S. President Donald Trump join in prayer with Jeremy LaPointe of Lumberton, Texas (holding cross), outside the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. | Mike Theiler/Reuters, via Redux

By IAN WARD

01/27/2023 04:30 AM EST

Ian Ward is a contributing writer for POLITICO Magazine.

When Donald Trump’s supporters stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021 — many of them carrying Christian symbols like crucifixes, statues of the Virgin Mary and even life-sized portraits of Jesus Christ — a terrible thought occurred to Bradley Onishi: “Could I have been there?”

For much of his young adult life, Onishi had been steeped in the very same mixture of religiosity and radical far-right politics that was on display at the Capitol. After growing up in a secular household in Orange County, California, Onishi joined an evangelical megachurch at age 14. During high school, he led prayer meetings during lunch break and handed out anti-abortion pamphlets to his classmates. By the time he was 20, he had married his high school sweetheart, taken a job as a full-time youth minister and made plans to enter the seminary.



Want to read more stories like this? POLITICO Weekend delivers gripping reads, smart analysis and a bit of high-minded fun every Friday. Sign up for the newsletter.


“I wasn’t just a member of a church. I was a leader, and somebody who gave everything that I had to faith and to my community,” Onishi says today.

In college, though, as Onishi began to learn more about the history of American evangelicalism, he discovered that the theology he had embraced as a teenager wasn’t merely a reflection of eternal biblical truths. It was also the product of a particular style of conservative Christian politics. Eventually, he came to view evangelicalism as inextricably intertwined with American nationalism, white supremacy, patriarchy and xenophobia. Eleven years after joining the church, he left his faith behind to pursue a career as a writer and academic.

Bradley Onishi poses for a portrait
For much of his young adult life, Bradley Onishi had been steeped in the very same mixture of religiosity and radical right-wing politics that was on display at the Capitol on January 6th. | Rudy Meyers

Book jacket for "Preparing for War: The Extremist History of White Christian Nationalism — and What Comes Next"
Onishi's new book, Preparing for War: The Extremist History of White Christian Nationalism — and What Comes Next, makes the case for a nuanced conversation about how contemporary strains of white Christian nationalism relate to earlier iterations of conservative Christian politics. | Broadleaf Books

Now, two years after Jan. 6 rioters carried the cross to the Capitol, Onishi — a faculty member at the University of San Francisco and the co-host of the popular podcast Straight White American Jesus — is bringing his background in the evangelical movement to bear on the rise of white Christian nationalism.



Premised on the belief that America is a white Christian nation whose laws and culture should reflect its biblical heritage, Christian nationalism has attracted fresh scrutiny in recent months thanks to endorsements from prominent Republicans like Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) and failed Pennsylvania gubernatorial candidate Doug Mastriano. But what’s been missing from the broader conversation about the movement, Onishi argues in his new book, Preparing for War: The Extremist History of White Christian Nationalism — and What Comes Next, is a nuanced sense of how contemporary strains of white Christian nationalism relate to earlier iterations of conservative Christian politics.

For Onishi, understanding the history behind today’s movement doesn’t just explain white evangelicals’ support for Trump or demystify the religious valences of Jan. 6. It also provides a window into the political forces shaping the American right as a whole.

“There is a real sense [among white Christian nationalists] that the apocalypse is coming for this country if [they] don’t do something radical,” Onishi says. “The idea that they would continue in ways that are standard — campaigns, voting drives, national renewal through ecumenical movements — that went by the wayside.”

The following has been edited for clarity and concision.

Ward: You identified the origins of white Christian nationalism in the conservative counter-revolution to the social and political changes of the 1960s. Ideologically, that backlash took the form of anti-communism, libertarianism and militant social conservatism. How did Christian identity fit into that matrix?

Onishi: Christian identity provided a very expansive story to that movement. It offered a story that could unite people who may have had disparate ideas about policy or who came from different regional settings. If you have a story that says, “This is a Christian country, it was built for and by Christians” — and implicitly stated these are white Christians — you start to have a narrative that is, in some tragic sense, a unifying one.

It also gives extraordinary authority to ordinary political policies and movements. It says that the push to overturn Roe v. Wade, or some military or foreign policy matter, is not just a political matter, as pressing as it may be. It’s actually something that is of divine importance.

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‘There Is a Real Sense That the Apocalypse Is Coming’

I think the last thing it does is it puts those who buy into this story on the side of God. That may sound trite, but when you have an understanding of yourself as playing a special role in history, as outlined by the Creator, your political life takes on a supercharged dimension. I think we saw that on Jan. 6.

Second grade students with their hands folded at their desks as their teacher reads a passage from the Bible in 1962.
Horace Mann Elementary School second grade students with their hands folded at their desks as their teacher reads a passage from the Bible on September 25, 1962. | Library of Congress Prints & Photographs Division

Ward: An important but underappreciated factor in the rise of white Christian nationalism were two Supreme Court cases in the 1960s pertaining to prayer in schools — Engel v. Vitale in 1962 and Abington v. Schempp in 1963. How did the reaction to those decisions shape the early Christian nationalist movement?

Onishi: In essence, what those cases did was make it illegal for public school districts to teach the Bible in their curricula as a religious text, as something that is instructive for all students. They also banned prayer in school on the part of school officials and school authorities. What those court cases did for many Americans was just to say, “Look, if you’re a Jewish kid sitting in a fourth-grade classroom, or a non-religious kid sitting in a junior high, you don’t have to start your day with the principal saying a Christian prayer or a teacher saying that it’s now time for us to do our daily Bible reading.”

However, they were framed [by conservative Christians] as signs that the United States was moving toward an anti-Christian and an anti-God future. They were presented as taking God out of schools, taking prayer out of schools, taking the Bible out of schools — and this became their rallying cry. It was so easy for ministers and political leaders to say, “Well, when you take God out of the schools, what do you expect to happen to the country? Children are going to lose their way, the country is going to fall into chaos, and we have no choice but to challenge public school curricula and send our kids to private Christian schools that are going to emphasize God and a God-focused curriculum.”

Ward: “They’re taking God out of the schools,” has persisted as a rallying cry among conservative Christians, but you point out in the book that that was really only half the equation. The other half was captured in a quotation from George Andrews, a congressman from Alabama, who responded to the Supreme Court decisions on prayer in schools by saying, “They put the Negroes in the schools and now they’ve driven God out.”

Onishi: I think that quote from George Andrews really provides us with both factors that are at play here. The context for this debate is the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision that integrated schools across the United States, particularly in the South. There were many white families that did not want to send their children to integrated schools, and this led to the advent of hundreds of schools attached to churches that were, in essence, segregation academies. They did not allow Black students.



If we fast forward to the late 1960s and early 1970s, the IRS and the federal government began threatening to take away the tax-exempt status of those churches if they continued to practice segregation. This led to a second rallying cry: that the federal government is interfering in the life of the American church, that it is persecuting Christians, and that it’s persecuting the choices of families who want to send their children to the schools of their choice. The George Andrews quote really encapsulates how racism and a sense of Christian persecution are the double foundations of this early movement.

Ward: Hopefully POLITICO’s readers will be familiar with Randall Balmer’s argument about “the abortion myth” — the thesis that the issue that first mobilized evangelicals politically was the fight over school segregation and not the fight over abortion.


Barry Goldwater, waves to delegates at the Republican National Convention in San Francisco in 1964.
Barry Goldwater, waves to delegates at the Republican National Convention in 1964 where he said, “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. ... Moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.” Onishi argues that Barry Goldwater's campaign in 1964 prefigured some of the Christian nationalist themes that became more explicit in the 1970s | AP Photo

Onishi: I’m happy to say that Balmer outlined that history in grand detail in POLITICO and elsewhere.

Ward: You also argue that Barry Goldwater’s campaign in 1964 prefigured some of the Christian nationalist themes that became more explicit in the 1970s. Goldwater famously broke with the religious right in the 1980s, but how did his campaign contribute to the incipient white Christian nationalist project?


Onishi: Goldwater presented an uncompromising conservatism. He was bombastic on the campaign trail. He said that we might need to use nuclear weapons in Vietnam. He said that while he personally supported the idea that Black and white folks in the South should live and work next to each other, he said that he was not going to sign any laws that forced integration. And he famously delivered a line during his presidential nomination acceptance speech where he said, “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.”

I think that’s worth thinking about. In essence, he’s saying that in times like these — the 1960s, when the civil rights movement was brewing, there were calls for immigration reform, women were pushing for independence and autonomy — extremism is the way that you can keep a hold on your country. Extremism is the modus operandi you are going to need to adopt if you are going to continue to hold positions of power in the political, social and economic realms. The foot soldiers of Goldwater’s campaign never forget this message.

Ward: Speaking of his foot soldiers, historians often point to the formation of the Moral Majority in 1979 as the moment when the religious fervor of evangelicals like Jerry Falwell formally entered into a political alliance with the political extremism of the New Right, led by former Goldwater supporters like Paul Weyrich and Richard Viguerie. But in some respects, that moment marked not only the beginning of a new sort of conservative politics, but also the culmination of a decades-long project of organization and collaboration between those two camps. What sort of political legwork went into making that union possible?

Onishi: Goldwater lost in a landslide in ’64, but his foot soldiers never lost their enthusiasm for his message and for this extremism. So throughout the ’60s, people like Paul Weyrich, Richard Viguerie and Morton Blackwell were working to build a political apparatus that would match what they saw on the Democratic side. What they wanted to do was take all of the charisma of Goldwater and turn it into a set of institutions and bureaucracies that would enable the takeover of the GOP and of American politics writ large.

What they realize in the early 1970s is that they don’t have enough votes, but they realize that if they can form a coalition with white, conservative Christians, they can find tens of millions of votes. And if they can promise the leaders of that movement — someone like Jerry Falwell — access to power, [those leaders] will no longer be laughed away as backward, rural Christians or old-timey people that have not caught up with modern America. This coalition building was already happening in the late ’60s and early ’70s, well before the official formation of the Moral Majority in 1979.


Ward: Weyrich, in particular, was not coy about his aims. For instance, you cite his statement: “We are all radicals working to overturn the present power structure.” If that’s not a pretty clear echo of Goldwater’s endorsement of political extremism, I don’t know what is.

Onishi: That’s exactly right. And Weyrich said that as somebody who was actively building the Council for National Policy and the Heritage Foundation. It’s easy to write him off as a boring institution builder, but what he was trying to do was instill the revolution into the institutions that make the GOP move and run — and he succeeded, largely.

Ward: One of the first actions of the New Religious Right was to declare war on Jimmy Carter. Carter was an evangelical, but he embodied a very different style of evangelical politics. What did the clash between the New Religious Right and the Carter administration reveal about the nature of their project?

Onishi: Jimmy Carter was almost made in a lab, in terms of being a white Christian president. He’s a Southern Baptist by birth, a military officer, a peanut farmer, and married to his high school sweetheart. However, when Carter got into the White House, he put more women and people of color in the judiciary than anyone before him. He was not publicly outraged by calls for more representation of gay Americans and gay families. He was not taking a hard-line stance on abortion. And perhaps most damning was that he was a dove on foreign policy — he wanted to use diplomacy when it came to America’s interest in conflicts all over the world.

It was all of those components that led Weyrich, Falwell and their cohorts to put everything they had behind Ronald Reagan, who was not one of them in a very strict sense. What this tells me is that their project was about power and not piety.

Ward: Another defining feature of the New Religious Right was an intense focus on “family values” — and in particular on a certain vision of sexual purity — embodied by groups like James Dobson’s Focus on the Family. You write very movingly in the book about how purity culture influenced your own upbringing, but could you explain how the movement’s intense focus on individual purity also contributed to its political radicalism?


A group of American youths who have pledged not to have sex until married wear their silver rings as a sign of commitment.
A group of American youths who have pledged not to have sex until married wear their silver rings as a sign of commitment with pride in 2005. | Graham Jepson/ Camera Press, via Redux

Onishi: Purity culture dates back to the ’80s and ’90s, and it is a movement within predominantly evangelical churches that encourages young people to abstain from sex before marriage. But it goes further than that. It teaches that one should abstain from sexual thoughts before marriage, because even a sexual thought is adultery, and it teaches really rigid gender roles about men being leaders.


But there’s another component that often goes missing when we discuss purity culture. It was a project of national renewal. The idea was that if churches could get their young people to build the right kind of families with the right kind of straight, patriarchal relationships, and if they could get them to abstain from anything that transgressed any of those boundaries, then those families could be the building blocks of the right kind of America. What this meant was excluding any sense of impurity, not only in teenage relationships but in the American body politic as a whole. And impurity in this vision is infection coming from immigrants and the infecting of the American bodies through queer families and queer relationships that are not part of God’s plan.

So the idea of purity when it comes to the individual teenager is really just a projection of a national renewal project that envisions a pure American body that is heterosexual, white, native-born, that speaks English as a first language, and that is thoroughly patriarchal. You can see how the theology and the politics really go together here.

Ward: The religious right’s attitudes toward democracy also started to shift in the 1990s. What prompted that shift?

Onishi: In the last five or six years, we’ve seen a surprising affinity with Russia on the part of some white Christian leaders and politicians in this country. But that affinity did not start in the Trump era. That affinity started before the dawning of the new millennium, and it started because by the 1990s, Weyrich realized that he wasn’t going to get the votes that he had been searching for since the 1970s. He realized that the country was changing and that the demographics were not in his favor — and if you don’t have the votes, democracy is not the mode you want to operate in.

What Weyrich also started to realize was that [Russian President Vladmiri] Putin — who was rising to power throughout the early aughts — was starting to harness the rhetoric of the Orthodox Church by talking about Russia’s spiritual heritage and its Christian values. And he was doing that as somebody who increasingly did not have to wait for Congress or courts or anyone else to make decisions. Weyrich realizes that this kind of governance structure — with a strong man at the top who uses the powers of the church — is probably the most effective way to build the kind of nation that he wants. What results is a sense that Putin — and eventually Viktor Orbán in Hungary — are examples of the kind of leaders that Christian nationalists want. There’s a sense that democracy may have to be martyred in order to save the American nation.


Ward: That anti-democratic tendency dovetails with a proclivity on the religious right for a kind of conspiratorial approach to politics. For instance, you cite a recent poll that found that around 50 percent of nondenominational Christians today believe in some elements of the QAnon conspiracy. What political purpose do conspiracy theories serve on the religious right?

Onishi: I think it is easy to write people off as irrational or unhinged when they engage in conspiracy theories, but if we ask what conspiracy theories do in the context of the religious right, we arrive at a kind of power analysis.

This is a group that is used to having an enormous amount of privilege and influence over American politics, culture and economics, and over the last 60 years, they have increasingly felt as if that power has been slipping away. In my mind, conspiracy theories are a very effective way to mobilize one’s community and to leverage what is actually real and true in the public square, even if you don’t have the evidence or data to back it up. For the religious right, conspiracy is a reaction to not having unilateral decision-making power over what is accepted as true and unreal in the American public square. In many senses, conspiracy is a revenge fantasy — it’s an expression of resentment that says, “We are the ones who decide what is fact, we’re the ones who decide what is real, and we are going to push that vision on the public square even if you continue to tell us that there is no actual evidentiary basis for it.”


A Trump supporter holds a cross and prays in front of the US Capitol on January 6, 2021.
A Trump supporter holds a cross and prays in front of the US Capitol shortly before the building was breached on Jan. 6. Onishi cites polling in his work that finds around 50 percent of nondenominational Christians today believe in some elements of the QAnon conspiracy. | Nina Berman/Redux

Ward: Shifting to the present day, the ubiquity of Christian symbols on Jan. 6 underscored the lines of continuity between older conservative Christian movements and today’s white Christian nationalist movement. But is there anything new or different about today’s movement that distinguishes it from the religious right of the past?


Onishi: There is a sense of acceleration in today’s movement. In the Obama years, you had somebody who really embodied the fears of the counter-revolution of the ’60s: a mixed-race man with a Black family, a Muslim dad, an immigrant dad, somebody who grew up in Hawaii, that far-away corner of the Union. And then during his presidency, through the Obergefell decision, same-sex marriage is made legal. So in the wake of that presidency, there is a real sense [among white Christian nationalists] that the apocalypse is coming for this country if we don’t do something radical. The idea that they would continue in ways that are standard — campaign, voting drives, national renewal through ecumenical movements — that went by the wayside.

What set in during 2016 — and has remained with us ever since — is militant rhetoric that says, “It’s now all-out warfare.” What I’ve seen — and what I’ve documented with my colleague Matt Taylor — is an exponential rise in the rhetoric of spiritual warfare. You have pastors who have influence over hundreds of thousands of people saying, “It is time to get your swords bloody, it is time to realize you’re in the battle for your life, it is time to realize that the demons controlling the Democratic Party, the deep state and the United States government will not stop until they have rooted out God from this country.” And that kind of rhetoric is not something that you see from the Jerry Falwells or the Ronald Reagans of the ’70s and ’80s. That kind of acceleration, I think, is what enables political and actual violence to be legitimated from religious communities and by religious people.

Ward: Does that help explain why conservatives are increasingly embracing the term “Christian nationalist”? Liberal critics have hurled that term at religious conservatives for decades, but now we’re seeing conservative politicians like Marjorie Taylor Greene and conservative academics like Stephen Wolfe embrace it.

Onishi: When I converted in the ’90s, there was a sense of being counter-cultural Christians — that you’re part of a broader culture that no longer honors God, so you’re going to have to get used to being kind of thought of as a little bit counter-cultural. And as a teenager, that’s kind of a fun thing to do — that really appeals to the 16-year-old person, right?

I think in the 20-year shift that we’ve endured, the sense is no longer, “Hey, let’s be a countercultural Christian.” Instead, it is: “We as Christians are going to dominate and conquer culture, politics, economics and every other domain of society — so, yes, we are Christian nationalists, because we’re the Christians who are the rightful founders of this country and the rightful heirs of the founders. We’re the people God has sent to take dominion over every aspect of the United States. It’s a Christian nation, and we’re gonna build it in our vision.”


Ward: Nevertheless, some conservatives have argued that the GOP is now the party of the “post-Christian right” — in other words, that the primary issues shaping the Republican agenda are cultural or class-based rather than explicitly religious. What do you make of that?

Onishi: I think it’s a really short-sighted argument. All of the arguments that young Republicans make about the GOP being a post-religious party relate to issues like the backlash against critical race theory or about PTA meetings and those kinds of issues. But as I lay out in the book, and as many other scholars have laid out, the very issue of challenging the public school system is one that was invented by the religious right. This was part of their playbook 60 years ago, and the whole anti-CRT campaign was carried out using the apparatus that Paul Weyrich and his cohorts helped to build.

In fact, I think what’s happened is that the ideology of the New Religious Right is so pervasive that a young Republican is engaged in it even if that young Republican does not consider themselves to be a religious person. In many ways, I think that’s a sign that Weyrich really succeeded in his mission. I think it’s more accurate to say that Christian nationalism is nimble and agile enough to encompass a whole host of people, including young Republicans who may not attend church.

Ward: The history that you discuss in the book makes it clear that white Christian nationalists have never really hid their radicalism — and yet their role on Jan. 6 still came as somewhat of a surprise. Why didn’t the rest of America take them seriously?

Supporters of U.S. President Donald Trump pray outside the U.S. Capitol January 6, 2021.
Supporters of U.S. President Donald Trump pray outside the U.S. Capitol Jan. 6. | Win McNamee/Getty Images

Onishi: A lot of folks are now very familiar with the phrase “white privilege,” but the writer Chrissy Stroop has helped me understand “Christian privilege” in the United States. The idea is that if you are a Christian person — especially a white Christian person — you are given a kind of benefit of the doubt in the public square. When you use rhetoric that can only be classified as extreme, it’s often written off, and it doesn’t set off the alarm bells that would be set off if you were a Muslim person or if you were someone who was neither Christian nor white.


Many people imagine the white Christian still to be Ned Flanders from The Simpsons — the kind of pesky, moralist neighbor up the street who doesn’t want people to use bad language or drink too much beer at the barbecue. But we really should envision him as Mr. Burns, the person who wants absolute control over the public square and who will use any means necessary to get it.

Ward: What’s next for the white Christian nationalist movement? On the one hand, there is the partisan radicalism that Trump has unleashed, but on the other hand, there is a strong tendency toward retreat and separation on the part of Christians, signified by projects like the American Redoubt. Are these different paths for the movement, or just the same path under different guises?

Onishi: In many ways, it’s the same goal, even if the methodologies might differ. You’re still going to have Christian nationalists who want to be at the top of the ticket, whether that’s as governor or as president or in Congress. But the American Redoubt movement represents the many Christian nationalists who are saying, “We’re going to move to a part of the country where we can really gather together in a separatist Christian society, and we’re going to prepare” — and these are their words, not mine — “for the coming Civil War and the collapse of the United States, so that when that happens, we will be ready to rebuild it in our image.” So I think the goals are the same.

Ward: And I suspect that the demise of Trump — if such a thing happens — wouldn’t do much to alter either of those tendencies?

Onishi: Trump’s power and influence are in question. They’re in flux at the moment. But I think Trumpism — and Christian Trumpism in particular — are alive and well.
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Palus Politicus Jump to new posts
Re: Teaching Critical Race Theory’s taken seriously in Missouri. PitDAWG 01/29/23 04:38 PM
The issue here is the only people seemingly trying to proclaim that their religious beliefs be protected in the public education system is the Christian right. That somehow anything that goes against their religious beliefs should be kept out of the public schools system. The problem with that is public education system is not a Christian organization. There is nothing about CRT or actually giving a deep dive into the historical facts of our nation that indoctrinates anyone. Making up some nonsensical thing to say to try and twist that teaching what has actually transpired in this nation is somehow an attempt to indoctrinate our children is nothing more than illogical ramblings to allow Christianity to further continue to control what our nations children learn. Knowledge and facts are good for our children, not bad.
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Re: Here We Go again... Open Season? PerfectSpiral 01/29/23 03:06 PM
You implied exactly that by repeatedly saying the kid resisted and ran and that’s why he’s dead. Maybe you should backtrack your stance instead of backtracking what others interpreted what you said.
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Everything Else... Jump to new posts
Re: Anyone here a slow runner? PrplPplEater 01/29/23 02:19 AM
Originally Posted by sk8termom
I guess I'm a jogger then. Did another 5k today, 51:53. I know, incredibly slow but I'm making progress. I probably could have gone another 1/2 mile but decided not to push it.

how many days per week are you running, currently?
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